The Tories might have lost the plot, but the fact is that Starmer still needs to find one, and very quickly

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There is a slight feeling of a déjà vu about this post. For the second time in a week, I was booked to appear on the Today Programme this morning, and was cancelled before I got anywhere near a microphone. I have to say, however, thr on this occasion, I can understand why given the news elsewhere.

The invitation was to discuss the Labour Party conference, and my reaction to it. The focus was supposed to be upon Starmer's speech, but the remit was a little wider as well. Given that several million people will not now hear my comments, I thought I would share them here.

I do, very obviously, understand Labour's excitement about the position that they are in. Quite unexpectedly, the Tories have imploded to a degree that no one could have anticipated when Johnson won an 80 seat majority in 2019. As a result, Starmer and the Labour Party are looking forward to being elected to government sooner than they ever expected. I doubt if anyone in the shadow cabinet thought they would get hold of a ministerial Redbox before 2029.

Importantly, they might still not do so. However, disciplined Starmer is, and his determination to eliminate opposition cannot be ignored, there are still obstacles in his path before he might reach Downing Street.

Do not doubt that the current situation in Israel is deeply destabilising. This is not a foreign policy blog, and I have no intention of making it into one, but when Harold Macmillan suggested that the thing that every politician should fear was ‘events' he might have offered a more truthful insight than many politicians ever manage. Foreign policy can change a politician's fortunes. At present, I can see no way in which this situation might change Sunak's plight, but that is precisely the point about ‘events': you do not know what they give rise to.

More pragmatically, the likelihood is that Starmer will lead the Labour Party into an election in October next year. That means that he has to maintain the current momentum for a year. Of course, he is assisted by the fact that the Tories appear intent upon pursuing their own curious form of madness,. But, if you want to hear an entirely appropriate reaction to what Rachel Reeves had to say this week, just listen to the interview Emily Maitlis and John Sopel conducted with her on the Newsagents podcast. The questions were blistering.

They suggested that most economists (me included) think that it will cost £50-£70 billion, or more, to provide the boost to the economy that Labour needs to deliver the change that it is talking about, and yet all Rachel Reeves could say in response was that she is going to remove two tax loopholes raising around £5 million between them. You could literally hear the incredulity Maitlis and Sopel shared at her response.

You could similarly sense their  bewilderment at her suggestion that she would not raise tax on capital gains and other sources of income derived from wealth because, Reeves said, we need an entrepreneurial economy. Their response was to ask how it can be fair for a person in their 30s on a managerial grade salary to pay a marginal tax rate, including student debt repayment, of more than 50%, when most capital gains are subject to tax at 20%, and Reeves could provide no credible justification. They certainly doubted her explanation that this was required to promote entrepreneurial activity.

Starmer's own speech was characterised by this same lack of detail. His biggest claim was that Labour will deliver 300,000 new houses a year. He did not say where the workforce for this task might come from. Nor did he say how the finance could be found. Some, of course, will be private house sales. However, many first time buyers are still steering clear of the market at present, precisely because of the uncertainty that high interest rates are creating, and Labour  is not saying anything about changing them. This means that a significant part of this programme must be represented by social housing. That cost could be well in excess of £20 billion a year, but no one within Labour has said how they are going to fund that within the constraint that Rachel Reeves has set down of so-called national debt falling as a proportion of GDP.

The point that I was going to make within this context is not that Labour need to fear criticism from the left, which is the point that I think I was being asked to deliver. The point that I was going to make, instead, was that what Labour should fear is coherent criticism from anybody who has a reasonable understanding of the UK's national income, investment profile, cost of borrowing, taxation system, and public spending, as well as an awareness of the dire state of  our public services. It does not take a genius to work out that literally nothing Labour has said adds up.

You can't deliver 300,000 new houses a year without additional public spending.

You cannot deliver 2 million new NHS appointments and vast numbers of new diagnostic tests without also spending a great deal more on treating those you have now found to be ill, and there is no explanation as to where that money might come from.

You can't solve the problems in education without more money.

You cannot deliver Ed Miliband‘s program for GB Energy without substantial investment, or without even a clear explanation as to what this company might actually be meant to do.

And you cannot put 13,000 new police office on the beat without spending a great deal more than at present.

I am not criticising the commitments, although many appear insufficient to me. What I am criticising is the fact that within the fiscal rules that Rachel Reeves has adopted few, if any, of them can be delivered

In that case, Starmer should have enjoyed his day. But he should not think that he will from hereon be making a triumphal procession from Liverpool to Downing Street, because I think that very unlikely. From left and right credible voices will be raising their concerns about the very obvious gap between what Labour is promising and what it is saying about financing its government's plans. Right now, the two are simply irreconcilable.

The Tories might have lost the plot, but the fact is that Starmer needs to find one, and very quickly. He has started on making the promises, but the delivery looks unlikely. That's not the basis for a smooth progression to Downing Street. And a year is a long time in politics.


Please note that an unedited version of this blog was published in error during the evening of 10 October. It contained a lot of errors because it was a quickly dictated first draft. The above text has now been edited. 


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